From the latest issue (n. 40, March 2012) of La Voce del (n)PCI

 

Call for the Parties, the Organized Bodies
and the Protagonists of ICM
Problems and Tasks
of International Communist Movement in 21st Century
 

The general economic crisis for capital’s absolute overproduction, entered into its terminal phase at the end of 2007, is inflicting atrocious sufferings and great destructions on the popular masses of the whole world. But just on this account it creates a favourable situation too for the realization of International Communist Movement’s tasks. It actually generates the conditions for proletarian revolution’s second wave’s development, after the first which developed in the early part of last century, in the context of first general crisis for capital’s absolute overproduction. Capitalism’s crisis and the manoeuvres  themselves of ruling classes in order to prolong, despite capitalism’s crisis, the lifespan of their social relations system and of their international relations system, involve popular masses’ mobilization and upset in each country and internationally popular masses’ usual, traditional and settled relations and activities, and force them to find new roads and to practise new relations. The ICM will  achieve its tasks, but only if it solves the problems that the proletarian revolution’s first wave has highlighted, and which during proletarian revolution’s first wave and up until now it has not given solution to.

ICM’s main task is to make socialist revolution, to establish socialism in imperialist countries.

ICM’s main problem is that it has not succeeded in achieving this task yet, even though in existing imperialist countries there have been the objective conditions for socialism’s establishment since the end of 19th century.

The new democracy revolution in the countries oppressed by imperialism matters much, from a general historical point of view, because it helps, favours the revolution in imperialist countries. But it is a mistake maintaining that anti-imperialist revolution’s victory in oppressed countries will make break socialist revolution out in imperialist countries, and it is a mistake too maintaining that it is its necessary prerequisite.

Proletarian revolution’s first wave has shown that Communist Movement’s victory in countries of imperialist system’s periphery (such as Russia) and in countries oppressed by world imperialist system (such as China, Korea, Vietnam, Cuba and others) has not been enough to enable the Communist Movement to establish socialism in Europe and in North America.

 Making socialist revolution in imperialist countries principally depends on world view and working method the Communists adopt. The Communist Movement has not established socialism in any imperialist country so far because of its shortcomings in the understanding of class struggle’s conditions, forms and results in imperialist countries and in the world.

Now to develop Communists’ world view and working method up to make them suitable for that task, i.e. such that ICM succeeds in making socialist revolution in imperialist countries, four questions in short need dealing with.

First of all it needs to be taken a right stock of Communist Movement, i.e. of proletarian revolution’s first wave and of first socialist countries’ experience, of Communist Movement’s crisis (giving out of proletarian revolution’s first wave) and of modern revisionism: this is the necessary prerequisite for Communist Movement’s rebirth, which can take place only on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

In the second place the theory of (first and second) capitalism’s general crisis in imperialist epoch must be understood and adopted: this way alone it is possible to intervene in the consequent developing revolutionary situation.

In the third place the nature, effectiveness and limitations of preventive counter-revolution regime established by the bourgeoisie in imperialist countries must be understood. Bourgeoisie keeps alive this regime till it is effective, i.e. until bourgeoisie manages, thanks to it, to prevent the rise of popular masses’ consciousness and organization beyond limits which are compatible with bourgeoisie’s rule. When this regime gets no longer effective, bourgeoisie resorts to popular masses’ reactionary mobilization, i.e. to fascism, terror, civil war and war.

In the fourth place it must be understood that protracted revolutionary people’s war strategy is of an universal value. It also applies to the seizure of power in imperialist countries, in accordance with specific particular laws valid for the concrete situation of each of those countries. In imperialist countries such as Italy, e.g., revolutionary forces’ build-up goes ahead through the clandestine Communist Party’s constitution and resistance, and through its direction over popular masses so that they get aggregated in all sorts of mass organizations necessary to satisfy their own material and spiritual needs, so that they participate in bourgeois political struggle so as to upset its course, and so that they carry out the claim-concerning struggles, it all oriented to the objective to establish their own emergency government up to put bourgeoisie into the dilemma between setting off civil war or losing the power without fighting. The Communists in Italy have to work, and they work, with the prospect of having to confront and to win the civil war. That is the equivalent in our country of “towns’ encirclement on the part of countryside” in semi-feudal countries.

(New)Italian Communist Party synthesized its position about these four topics in an internationally  spread document of its (Four Main Issues to Be Discussed in the International Communist Movement, in English on http://www.nuovopci.it/eile/en/f-issues.html).

In this document (n)ICP pinpoints as a shortcoming persisting in Communist Movement a mechanistic conception of revolution, as an event that happens because of factors external from us, as a “revolution that breaks out”, as a popular masses’ insurrection which Communists presume they can take over the helm of, when it will break out. F. Engels self-criticizing, on behalf of Marx too, in 1895 in his Introduction to The Class Struggles in France from 1848 to 1850, has already pointed out that since the time of First International the Communist Movement lacked a dialectical materialistic conception of the revolution, as an event produced by our subjective action if it corresponds to reality’s laws, as a “revolution which is to be built” in accordance with the protracted revolutionary people’s war’s strategy. On the contrary the Communist Parties, waiting for insurrection, on the one hand supported the claim-concerning struggles of  working class and of the other classes of popular masses, participated in bourgeois political struggle as the most left party of the political array, and promoted the political awareness’ development and the organization of working class and popular masses. On the other hand they promoted Communism. They didn’t combine the two sides. That’s why two one-sided, opposed and complementary tendencies developed within them: economism and dogmatism. These two deviation have kept up until now and are the main obstacles ICM has to remove to give itself a right world view, a right strategy and a right line.

Dogmatism is the deviation which develops from socialism’s propaganda unconnected with practice, from Communist world view’s profession not adopted as a practical action’s (political, claim-concerning, cultural) guidance.

Economism is the deviation which develops from the practice (claim-concerning struggle and participation in bourgeois political struggle – it exists a claim-concerning, labourist,  political struggle too, as Lenin quite clearly explains in What is to Be Done?) without principles, not guided by the Communist world view.

Lenin and others rightly said about pre-1914 German Social Democracy that the dogmatic Kautsky was its master in the field of theory (dogmatism), while its (trade-union and political) practice corresponded in actual fact to the conceptions advocated by Bernstein. German Social Democracy’s congresses regularly condemned Bernstein’s revisionist theses, but he did not find it difficult to accept the congresses’ resolutions and to dutifully remain in the party which acted in accordance with his conceptions.

The right world view which at the same time is a working method, today is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. The struggle for its success is the main aspect of proletarian internationalism. The main support each Communist Party can give the others is to contribute to the understanding, assimilation and success of general crisis’ right theory and of Communist Movement’s right stocktaking, so that every party draws the right conclusions to build socialist revolution in its own country taking account of its particular characteristics and to contribute this way to the common task of world proletarian revolution.

 

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is basis and instrument for Communist Parties’ victory in each country!

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is basis and instrument for new Communist International’s organization!

Long live the Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!

Long live international Communist Movement!

 

Socialist revolution’s building in imperialist countries is the decisive event of Communist Movement’s advance in the course of present new general crisis of capitalism.

 

The stocktaking of proletarian revolution’s first wave’s experience in imperialist countries (in the early part of last century) carried out in the light of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, clearly shows what shortcomings and errors of imperialist countries’ Communist Parties have prevented them from establishing socialism in the respective countries during the proletarian revolution’s first wave.

 

 (New)ICP’s caravan is applying the lessons of that stocktaking to make socialist revolution in Italy and to make Italy into a new socialist country, so giving the best contribution it can give to proletarian revolution’s second wave.

 

(New)ICP’s caravan reckons that every party and organized body of ICM has to absorb the lessons of proletarian revolution’s first wave’s experience to manage to carry successfully out its own task in each country and internationally: that’s why it expounded and promotes them to the best of its possibilities in documents which it has also spread in languages broadly spoken in ICM.

 

Proletarian internationalism’s highest form consists in helping every party, organized body and protagonist of Communist Movement in understanding and assimilating general crisis’ theory and Communist Movement’s stocktaking.

  

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